And, Sir, let it now be
added, in further answer to this class of objections, that experience
has abundantly confuted them all. This government has existed
forty-three years, and has maintained, in full being and operation, a
bank, such as is now proposed to be renewed, for thirty-six years out of
the forty-three. We have never for a moment had a bank not subject to
every one of these objections. Always, foreigners might be stockholders;
always, foreign stock has been exempt from State taxation, as much as at
present; always, the same power and privileges; always, all that which
is now called a "monopoly," a "gratuity," a "present," have been
possessed by the bank. And yet there has been found no danger to
liberty, no introduction of foreign influence, and no accumulation of
irresponsible power in a few hands. I cannot but hope, therefore, that
the people of the United States will not now yield up their judgment to
those notions which would reverse all our best experience, and persuade
us to discontinue a useful institution from the influence of vague and
unfounded declamation against its danger to the public liberties. Our
liberties, indeed, must stand upon very frail foundations, if the
government cannot, without endangering them, avail itself of those
common facilities, in the collection of its revenues and the management
of its finances, which all other governments, in commercial countries,
find useful and necessary.
In order to justify its alarm for the security of our independence, the
message supposes a case.
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